Nationalism Is For The Poors
2026-05-13Introduction: The Great Distraction
There is a dark, delicious irony in the optics of the modern border. While the “Davos-man”. He crosses frontiers in a private jet with the frictionless ease of liquid capital, the average citizen is increasingly encouraged to man the ramparts. We are witnessing a global surge in nationalism among the working classes, a visceral “competitive prestige” that tethers the poor to a patch of dirt while their leaders’ assets fly comfortably over the barbed wire.
As George Orwell observed in his 1945 autopsy of the bordered mind, nationalism is not the same as patriotism. Patriotism is defensive, a quiet devotion to a way of life. Nationalism, however, is inseparable from the desire for power. It is “competitive prestige” for those who have no actual stake in the global game. The relatable curiosity of our age is why those most harmed by economic isolation are the ones cheering most loudly for the walls. The answer is simple: nationalism is the psychological security blanket the elite provide to the masses they are simultaneously looting.
The “Homogeneous Whole” Illusion
To maintain control, the upper classes of both developed and developing nations must perform a rhetorical sleight of hand. They present the nation as a “homogeneous congruent whole,” a singular body where the interests of the billionaire and the baker are supposedly identical. This narrative, as Daniele Conversi argues, is a tool to silence class contradictions.
By framing the state as a unified family, the elite deprive the non-elite of the vocabulary to articulate non-national claims. You cannot complain about the wealth gap when you are told that you and the billionaire are “brothers” under the same flag. The elite effectively colonize the “body of the nation,” claiming to speak for everyone while ensuring the “poors” have no voice to discuss their own marginalization.
As Walker Connor famously noted:
“Nationalism is based on emotions that move ‘beyond reason.’ This cult-like emotional propensity precludes many nationalists from seeing the broader picture, often making them inept and nearly always unable to promptly grasp when the time has come to change tack.”
Resource Nationalism: Wealth for the Few, Flag for the Many
The most cynical application of this “congruent whole” is “resource nationalism.” Consider the 1973 OPEC oil embargo. Autocrats like the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, couched their power moves in the high-minded language of “justice” and “equality among nations.” The Shah indignantly claimed that the West was seizing resources and “reselling them to us at an inflated price.”
It was a brilliant performance of victimhood. By invoking “equity,” the Shah and his fellow monarchs focused the public’s rage outward, toward “imperialist” powers, while concealing the staggering inequality within their own borders. The working class was invited to celebrate the symbolic victory of “national ownership”—the flag flying over the oil derrick—while the actual revenue was funneled into elite coffers.
It is the ultimate surprising takeaway of modern politics: the poor will enthusiastically cheer for their own dispossession as long as the thief is wearing the national colors.
The Climate Cover-Up: Vested Interests in a Bordered World
In the “Age of Extinction,” nationalism has taken a dangerous climate turn. Global survival requires synchronized action to respect “planetary boundaries,” yet nationalism provides the perfect “operational vacuum” for the “merchants of doubt.” Media conglomerates and a formidable coalition of vested interests in the fossil fuel and automotive industries use nationalist ideology to thwart international cooperation.
They frame global climate action as a “betrayal” of national sovereignty, trapping political discourse in what Conversi calls the “iron cage” of the nation-state. This fragmentation is intentional; it prevents the international jurisdictional framework required to stop the crossing of tipping points toward “omnicide.”
While the climate crisis threatens the very continuity of life on Earth, the elite use borders to protect their right to pollute, leaving the “poors” to drown in the name of a sovereignty that will not keep the water out.
“Socialism with Different Flags”: The Economic Knowledge Problem
From the perspective of the Cato Institute, modern nationalism is little more than “socialism with different flags.” It suffers from the same “knowledge problem” that doomed central planning: the arrogant belief that a few bureaucrats can manage a complex economy better than the market. Nationalists believe they can pick “winning” industries, but without price signals, they only succeed in creating scarcity.
This protectionism directly hammers the most vulnerable. Look no further than the 2022 baby formula crisis in the United States. A nationalist industrial policy, bolstered by a 25.1% tariff and regulatory barriers, ensured that 98% of formula was produced on-shore. When a single domestic factory shut down, the “iron cage” collapsed. The poor were left unable to feed their infants because the “security” of national production had actually created a fragile, uncompetitive monopoly.
| Nationalist Economic Stated Goals | Actual Outcomes for the “Poors” |
|---|---|
| Energy Independence: Subsidizing ethanol and local fuels. | Inflationary Theft: Increased food and fuel prices; lower efficiency for the consumer. |
| Protecting Local Jobs: High tariffs on “foreign” competition. | Supply Chain Fragility: Scarcity and a 25.1% tax on essentials like baby formula. |
| National Greatness: Industrial policy for “strategic” sectors. | Economic Ossification: Resources mismanaged due to a total lack of market signals. |
The Janus-Faced Trap: Looking Back to Move Control Forward
Nationalism is essentially “Janus-faced”. It gazes into a mythic, curated past to justify an authoritarian future. Political elites seize upon “low-hanging fruit” like ethnic markers or religious traditions to manufacture a sense of shared victimization. This is not about history; it is about control.
In Skopje, the Gruevski government spent staggering public resources on an eight-story-tall statue of Alexander the Great, a literal “dominant totem” erected while the nation’s democratic institutions were being dismantled. This is the strongman’s playbook: replace the rule of law with a cult of personality.
The leader becomes the embodiment of the nation, and suddenly, to criticize the government’s corruption is to commit treason against Alexander himself. By stoking these ancient myths, the elite weaken the ability of social actors to hold them accountable, effectively replacing democratic agency with a stone idol.
Conclusion: The Question of Redlines
Ultimately, nationalism is a trade-off of the highest order. It provides the masses with a “security of identity”. This is a psychological payout that costs the elite nothing awhile maintaining a dominance that is “plain and unquestioned.” The “poors” are given a flag to wave, while the elite keep the borderless world of capital for themselves.
But as we enter the Age of Extinction, the cost of these “lunatic beliefs” is no longer just economic; it is existential. We are crossing planetary boundaries that no border can stop.
If “the times they are a-changin’,” as Bob Dylan sang, we can no longer afford the luxury of a bordered mind. We are all being “drenched to the bone,” and we must decide if we will start swimming together or sink like a stone, clutching our flags as the water grows.